Discussion / Event

Published: 02/02/2012

One of the efforts to foster women’s representation is by making laws and regulations that can guarantee an increase of women’s representation in the political process at an expected level. It is also one of the essential indicators to ensure an increase in women’s representation in DPR. The Law on Political Party and Election is, among others, a measurement to observe the state’s response to the indicators of gender equality. The Law on Elections can guarantee women’s right to participate in the process of candidacy until they get elected in the elections.


In Indonesia, since the implementations of Article 65 Law on Elections No. 12 of 2003 on the 30% quota of women in the 2004 Elections, a continuous strengthening to the Law and evaluation at every General Election are needed. The Law on Elections has been changed to Law no. 8 of 2008, by adding the regulation that the electoral number 1-3 must have a female candidate, while Law no. 31 of 2002 on Political Parties, which did not regulate the quota strictly, has been improved with Law no. 2 of 2008.


The issuing of such regulations caused a significant increase in the number of female legislative candidates, yet it does not automatically grant women the opportunity to be elected in the elections. The increase in the number of women’s representation becomes very important both for the politics of presence framework and the politics of ideas framework (policies on maternal, child and family prosperity) to cater to the interests of women, as the majority population in one state.


In fulfilling the political rights of the citizens to increase the number of women’s participation in the upcoming 2014 elections, WRI intended to discuss the results of the study on the Election Bill. The purposes of this study are providing recommendations and updating on the Election Bill in the attempt to increase women’s participation in the 2014 elections with the decision makers in parliaments, such as the Chair of Fraction, senior officials and members of the Work Committee of Election Bill, women parliament members, Secretary General and the department of women empowerment and political party.



  1. To share WRI’s views regarding the Revision Proposal for Law on Election No. 10 of 2008.
  2. To facilitate political parties to implement the 30% quota and encourage the efforts of political parties to enhance the participation of female political party cadres in the 2014 elections.
  3. To use this discussion forum as a reminder on the issue of monitoring women quota to increase the representation of women in the 2014 Elections.




Sita Aripurnami (Executive Director of Women Research Institute)

This event was held by Women Research Institute (WRI) in cooperation with Women’s Caucus of Parliament of Republic of Indonesia (KPP-RI). Since December, we have been in contact the Women’s Caucus regarding the amendment of Law on Elections. Today’s activity is a result of everyone’s ideas that will be discussed to provide recommendations for the amendment of Law Number 10 of 2008 so that the Law on Elections will be more responsive to women’s interests.


Andi Timo Pangerang (Chair of Women’s Caucus of Parliament of Republic of Indonesia)

The Women’s Caucus has hold discussions with various activists and women’s organizations, including WRI, since January 2011 and made a formulation of recommendations for the amendment of Law Number 10 of 2008. The objective of this event is to deliver that formulation to the Special Committee and Working Committee who are responsible in amending the Law No. 10 of 2008, particularly to enhance the representation of women in parliaments (above a minimum of 18% or even until 30%).


Process of Discussion

The opening and introduction were followed by the First Session which discussed the development of Amendment of Law Number 10 of 2008 by the Work Committee and the recommendations that will be given to the Working Committee regarding women’s development in politics. The speakers of the event were Nurul Arifin (Member of Working Committee on General Election Bill), Ganjar Pranowo (member of Working Committee on General Election Bill), and Chusnul Mar’iyah (WRI representative). The first session was moderated by Myra Diarsi (WRI).




Myra Diarsi (Women Research Institute):

The aim of this session was to get updates on discussions of the Law Number 10 of 2008 from Mrs. Nurul Arifin as member of the Working Committee of the General Election Bill and Mrs. Popong Otje Djundjunan as member of the Special Committee of the General Election Bill, the points that should be monitored in the amendment of that law and ways for us (the public and DPR members) to monitor that these articles will be maintained in the amendment process of Law Number 10 of 2008.


Nurul Arifin (Member of Working Committee of General Election Bill, Golkar Fraction – Member of Commission II DPR):

Nurul Arifin delivered updates on the revision of Law Number 10 of 2008. Until today it is still under discussion, such as on points regarding electoral district and seats, count model, and Parliamentary Threshold. 


Parliamentary Threshold

PDIP and Golkar at 5%, Democrate: 4%, PPP: 3-3, 5%; PKS: 3-4%; Gerindra: no suggestion; PAN: no suggestion; PKB: 4% and Hanura: not yet.


Number of Seats in Electoral Districts

With a PT of 4%, number of seats: 3-10

With a PT of 3%, number of seats: 3-8


Election System

Closed: PPP, PKS;

Open: Golkar, PAN, PKB, Hanura, Gerindra

Half closed, half open: PDIP


Count Model

Everyone agreed that it will be completed in Electoral Districts (unlike previously, which was brought to the province), but the denominator, usually 100,000, is still debated. Another possible mechanism is D’hont Divisor: denominator: Golkar (1, 2, 3, 4, etc.), PKS (1, 3, 5, 7, 9, etc.)


Election Stages

All parties are passionate to improve the law as evaluations of the previous elections did not satisfy many parties. All parties jointly agreed that this Law should be done by the end of March 2012 to allocate more time for the process of 2014 elections.


If it is completed by March, the General Election Commission will be inaugurated in May 2014. The General Election Commission will draw up a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law, elect a regional General Election Commission, and release a voter list. In the case of lack of Voters’ data, it will be taken from the Regional Elections. All the prepatory process of the General Election is planned to be completed in December 2012.


Articles on women have been conveyed to the Working Committee but are yet to be discussed, such as: (1) 30% Quota, (2) Number 1 and 2 from different sexes, (3) Sanction, one of the most sensitive agendas in the discussion of Working Committee.


Not only will we be facing the Special and Working Committees, but we will also be facing Political Parties regarding these women’s issues. Women should have to courage to fight for these issues, both at the Party and at the Special/Working Committees (by communicating it to their parties’ representatives at the Committees).


Myra Diarsi (Women Research Institute):

What Nurul Arifin presented shall be our principal thought in the next discussion. Considering the 30% quota, we should prepare female candidates for the parliament, because that is an obstacle that is often expressed by Political Parties.


Popong Otje Djundjunan (Member of the Special Committee of General Election Bill, Golkar Fraction-Member of Commission X DPR):

There are three women in Special Committee and two in the Working Committee.

Our vision is not only for 2014. We must look further to the future, as experiences show that there are several points that we should do to reach a 30% or more quota:

  1. Take individual efforts to enhance self-quality in politics, yet in reality many women are still allergic to politics, particularly to be involved in political parties.
  2. Strive to enhance the awareness of Political Parties, which are dominated by men, to fight for the involvement of women. As long as the Election system still uses parties, women should – willingly or not – enter parties.
  3. Ensure women’s togetherness, both in parties and public organizations, to unite women’s perception on women’s involvement in the parliament.


Myra Diarsi (Women Research Institute):

This first session is limited to normative issues regarding the amendment of Law No. 10 of 2008. The strategies of women’s preparation in Political Parties will be discussed in the second session. 


Chusnul Mar’iyah (Women Research Institute):

The electoral district uses a magnitude district, which means that the more the electoral districts, the less the seats. The influence of less electoral districts and less seats to women’s participation is that the less the seats in electoral districts, the more difficult it is for women to win in the electoral districts because they will face head-to-head with male legislative candidates.


The 30% suggestion, which does not consider to which parties the seats go, is based on the logic that every party gets a seat. But this calculation relates to where the constituents and their basis are. Most of the political parties’ basis are spread, except for PKB, whose mass are based in NU in East Java. Or PDIP whose mass are mostly in Central Java, while Golkar’s mass are mostly in West Java and other than Java. This should be our concern too.


Andi Timo Pangerang (Democrat Party – Chair of Women’s Caucus/KPP-RI):

We can see this issue from many perspectives, including Chusnul’s opinion. But if we see it this way, that in the last election there were 77 electoral districts, which means that there are 77 opportunities for women to be elected. If there are 103 electoral districts then the opportunities for women are 103, which is bigger.


Chusnul Mar’iyah (Women Research Institute):

This is a typical way of thinking of big parties. If we follow that way of thinking, then small parties will lose. As part of the Women’s Caucus, we need to think for all parties. Don’t just look at the 77 electoral districts for the People’s Representative Council; see also the 2057 electoral districts for the Regional People’s Representative Council. Where is the position of women?


The placement of candidates on the 1st and 2nd ordinal numbers should be based on different sex. As for sanctions, the incentive strategy can be used (given by the government to the political parties that win in Elections, by adding or reducing state incentive to the party according to whether political parties obey the women article or not. Process of Elections: Campaigns should not take too long as it will disadvantage women. The counting of Election results will be completed at the electoral district. The dating system will use a countdown system. If on October 20th, 2014, a new president should have been elected, then the rest of the schedule shall follow: how long the first Presidential Election will be, how long the second Presidential Election will be, then calculate the duration for the legislative elections. This will be adjusted with the Law.


It seems like the Parliamentary Threshold will be 4%, if at PKS it will be higher, Golkar and Democrat agree to go down as long as under a closed system. The closed system is actually more beneficial for women because their “battle” is only within the Party. However, the issue is whether the civil society would agree to a closed system once more?

Just look at the number of women at DPR, DPRD, and DPD. Women’s struggle should not only be at the DPR level, but also at the DPRD and DPD. In Maluku, for instance, there are only 30% women legislative members. From 470 Regencies/Cities, 66 of them only have one female legislative candidate. Issues related to women should be fought for by Nurul Arifin as a Member of the Working Committee of the Election Bill, because if (the articles) go missing at the Working Committee, it will be missing and irrevocable at the Drafting Team. And it will not be possible to add anything at the Plenary, it will only be possible to eliminate them.


Ganjar Pranowo (Working Committee Member of the Election Bill, PDIP Fraction – Commission II DPR):

The condition at the Election Bill’s Working Committee is in fact only repeating the previous discussions. This Bill is peculiar as DPR proposed the Bill but the Government proposed the Inventory List of Problems (DIM).

At DPR, the Parliamentary Threshold digit of 2.5% came up without any party taking responsibility for its proposal (only because the earlier proposals were 2% and 3%, the average number of 2.5% was chosen).

The most often discussed issues are, among others, the Parliamentary Threshold, Electoral District, and vote counts, and they are often concluded with “never mind, it’ll be cleared by the gods”. The Working Committee is often busied with discussing technical matters of the election. I am often reminded to not allow an intervention from and consultation with the third party in the Working Committee’s discussions.         


The drafting of Election Commission Regulations: 3 months

List of voters: 7 months

List of election participants: 5 months

Candidacy of legislative candidates: 3 months

Campaign: 12 months


The Working Committee’s discussions are largely centered on technical matters, yet to touch the crucial issues of the Election Law’s articles. If we were to use the open way, we could not the 2009 system. If open, we should use the judicial system at the court of appeals – the most important thing is that it is easy, cheap, and fast.

If we ask the members of DPR/DPRD what should be prepared for the upcoming elections, they would just answer that we’d have to prepare money and determine whom we should give it to. If it’s open, it will given to the people; if closed, then the party – without taking into account the electoral number.

The female activists’ proposal to require the electoral number 1 and 2 be allocated to different genders surprised the others, who were confused on where they should find the female candidates. 


Some had the opinion that if the distribution of votes is based on the largest number of votes, then why do we need electoral numbers? The answer is because voters tend to use number 1 or 2 during elections. The strange thing is that in the 2009 Elections, the counting system was regulated by the Constitutional Court, when it is in fact not within their power to do so. My prediction is that the offer of electoral number 1 and 2 will be difficult, but let’s discuss the distribution system of votes – the electoral number or largest votes?

In fact, it is now the time for the legislative candidates to determine which party they should register to, or whether they want to switch parties. The data update to the list of voters uses the last election data from the Department of Home Affairs.


As the data is now from the government (Department of Home Affairs), we will use that data, whether we like it or not, and today it is already prepared. Thus today, we come to the question, which data would KPU use? – as every day there are plenty updates of data: due to the additional 17 year olds and married people – so the six month time table could still be changed in accordance with KPU’s data of voters’ list.


Diana Anwar (Democrat Party):

What Pak Ganjar Pranowo and Mba Nurul Arifin have explained is interesting, but I disagree with Pak Ganjar’s statement on the difficulty of finding female legislative candidates due to the proposal of different genders for number 1 and 2. I have stated countless times at the Legislative Body that the parties’ concern of finding female legislative candidates is unnecessary.


Zulmiar Yanri (Democrat Party):

We should adhere to the rule of using e-ID to determine the list of votes. The Tanah Merah case is DPR’s duty, as the inspector of the implementation of Laws and Regulations, to ensure that they are added to the list of voters because this will surely happen in many regions. Not by excluding the usage of e-ID instead.


Syafrida (National Mandate Party):

Mba Chusnul’s suggestion to not only consider the 77 electoral areas but also 2057 for the DPRD. We should fight for the most beneficial: either open or not. I agree with the 3-10 system because it would be beneficial for women. We want all fractions to persuade their respective parties to fight for women.


Ryan Megah Mandalawaty (Democrat Party):

Based on the Affirmation Journal pp. 85-88, I think there is no specific ‘color’ in fighting for women in the parliament. (For instance: PKB wins in East Java and PDIP in Central Java). Democrat could win with Allah’s consent, Democrat would not win with all those colors. And it was proven, Democrat did win. The ethics of being a legislative candidate and bringing a certain mission depends on the existing regulations.


Mestariyani Habie (Gerindra Party – Commission II DPR):

We must ensure that the 30% quota would still be in the Law. If we use the electoral number system, the law must guarantee that number 1 and 2 are allocated to different genders. If we use the largest votes, the law should regulate that parties must fixate 50% legislative candidates at every electoral area and encourage women’s participation. DPR must regulate seats for women (using the resource sheet concept), for instance: 156 DPR seats and two seats at the electoral area must be allocated for women.


Adjeng Ratna Suminar (Democrat Party – Commission I DPR):

On sanctions, I agree with Ibu Chusnul that we should use incentives, considering that in previous legislations the implementation of sanctions were not strict. Usually during the drafting meetings of the legislative candidate list, we would only be laughed at if we propose a female candidate’s name to be placed at number 1 or 2.


Wiwin Burhani (Democrat Party):

On the 30% quota, it is important to remember that 50% of the Indonesian population are women and there are countless cases where women are victimized. The 30% quota should be absolute, because – God willing – women will keep their mandate and always remember God.



Concerning the sanction, a lot of parties won and gained many seats for their legislative candidates when in fact those parties violated the law in terms of the 30% quota. So if there should be a sanction, it should be implemented strictly.


Chusnul Mar’iyah (Women Research Institute):

The political map at the Working Committee on the electoral numbers 1 and 2 has yet to be discussed until now, so it is our job to approach the Working Committee. If it depends on the voting, then the open system will prevail. For women, the largest votes will be highly detrimental. I disagree with this system because 50% voters only vote for the party. The election system in Rwanda, which uses the Triple Bullet, resulted in a parliament with 50% women and their struggle must have been tough.


Regarding the voters, we can coordinate with the General Elections Commissions (KPU), which holds the database of Indonesia’s population. [When I was in KPU] I adopted Australia’s system in collecting the population’s database. The difference between the e-ID and the Family Card (KK) is that e-ID adopts the demographic principle that a citizen would obtain an ID card after 6 months.

  1. Elimination of articles on the allocation of different genders for electoral number 1 and 2 should be avoided.
  2. Elimination of articles on electoral numbers 1-3 should be avoided (there should be at least 1 female candidate).


Ganjar Pranowo (Working Committee Member of the Election Bill, PDIP Fraction – Commission II DPR):

The existing regulations of women’s composition will not change. Instead, it is the current that will be attempted to be changed, for instance number 1 and 2 should be of different genders.

At the Working Committee’s meeting rooms, like usual, most aren’t interested to discuss women’s issues. The fact is, in reality, it is the strong who wins. I think that the electoral number and the largest votes systems are not an issue for the legislative candidates. Because if you ask them, who is your enemy? They will answer, my own friends.

There is a possibility that the electoral area will be added to 90 areas. And PDIP keeps the female legislative candidates informed to be ready to speak up and persuade women to enter the parliament.

Article 214 has never been under discussion. In 2009, the MK’s discussion should have been revised and Elections postponed, but in reality it never happened. Which parties’ filter quality which upon the candidacy process prepared the candidates on terms of political knowledge? DPR has the duty to monitor the laws and ensure that the people have the right to vote.


Chusnul Mar’iyah (Women Research Institute):

The data from Department of Home Affairs should be enabled to use and updated with KPU’s data because KPU owns the data of additional voters. Rural regions do have the data of their population, so we will advocate that the data we use is not restricted to the Department of Home Affair’s data but also combined with the regional’s. Make an article on transition to propose KPU to have an authority in determining the list of voters. There are five bodies in Indonesia which hold the population data with significant differences, namely KPU, Department of Home Affairs, Statistics Indonesia, and SUSENAS.

My suggestions for the election system are:

  1. Determine the derivatives of the open system and the closed system if the former is chosen.
  2. Prepare electoral numbers 1 and 2.



The second session was opened by Edriana Noerdin (WRI). This session discussed how the Department of Women in Political Parties design strategies in preparing female legislative candidates before occupying a seat in the parliament.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

What do women really face in the upcoming political landscape? What are our strengths and weaknesses for the 2014 Elections? We should avoid being successful at the judicial aspect (the law) while the parties themselves are yet to be ready with a list of female candidates.

Although everyone here comes from different political parties, I hope that we can fight for the same objective: women’s participation in the parliament. We must not have women’s quality questioned, while the same is not applied to men’s. We now have with us PKS, Hanura, Gerindra, and Democrat. Ibu Andi Tino will inform us about Democrat’s efforts to gain female cadres.


Andi Timo Pangerang (Democrat Party – Chair of KPP-RI):

If we want to allocate different genders at number 1 and 2, we must prepare women cadres. Therefore, the Party’s Department of Women Empowerment is more attentive in looking for cadres while prioritizing sisterhood.


In the case that, for instance, I ask A to join Democrat but she has already been enlisted in PKS, I’d look for other women. What is of utmost importance is that women can joining a political party, regardless of what party.


We have planned capacity building and training for female cadres, using several media such as websites and magazines in our search for female cadres. This is not a competition, as we prioritize sisterhood.


Many say that we have to look for potential cadres; in fact we just have to search for female cadres, whoever they are. Regarding potential and other things can be discussed later, as it is the party’s duty to provide the education and training. If the regulation of different genders for number 1 and 2 is agreed, then we must prepare for a minimum of 50% female candidates.


Sitaresmi S. Soekanto (Prosperous Justice Party):

Actually a lot of women are active in the party, but they tend to be more focused on the education sector, dakwah, branch management, and social activities and avoid politics. Sometimes there are female candidates who request us to lower their electoral number for fear of being chosen. They often have their proportional religious reasons (women must be tawadhu, women should not compete, etc).


Our interview with organizations in Turkey shows that women and youths are the first engine of growth. There are two issues for women: women must be given an opportunity and women must be confident.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute): Ibu Sita’s explanation about women in PKS is interesting. But why should PKS women feel the need to be tawadhu and not men?


Sitaresmi S. Soekanto (Prosperous Justice Party):

The actual problem lies in the culture. Women put their trust in men. I also emphasize on the need for women to be more open-minded, if the third party facilitates it, why should we not be ready?


Mardeti (Representative of Ibu Sumintari, Hanura Party):

Hanura has organized a strategy to prepare women at the DPR, DPRD, and DPD levels. Hanura’s women have established Hanura branch organizations throughout Indonesia, led by Ibu Rahma, the chair of DPP. It was ex-officio that female leaders of the party would be prioritized to be listed in the list of candidates.

After persuading our female members, it turned out that Hanura’s female cadres experience cultural and financial challenges. The female legislative candidates who optimistically spent abundant funds in 2009 yet did not win refused to run for candidacy once more.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute): Funding is an issue for both men and women; it is just that men can be a “money machine” while women cannot.


Agus Wanti (TA Gerindra and representative of Women’s Solidarity for Human Rights):

Actually if the government were to support women’s policy in politics, there should be financial support for the funding of political education for women. Women actually have a lot of potential to mobilize votes, for instance through women’s Quran recital sessions and other women’s organizations in society.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

If we relate this to Mba Chusnul’s suggestion of a sanction that the grant of an incentive will be added if political parties adhere to the 30% quota. If possible, that incentive can be used for the empowerment of women at that party.


Siti Amaliyah (National Mandate Party or PAN):

PAN already has its own women’s organization. The problem is that in the field they are not creative enough, for instance in terms of grabbing votes. Female legislative candidates only rely on the majlis ta’leem (council of education). But if one majlis ta’leem is approached by three candidates, it will cause a confusion for voters. It doesn’t mean that we should ignore the existing [voters], but we should be more creative in looking for vote markets.

The second obstacle is the lack of trust between women. Not only in developing countries but everywhere, women tend to be slightly distrusted by society. I think this is largely caused by the culture (women’s duty is only to raise children) which limits women.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

So it’s true that majlis ta’leem is a “sexy” market for the political market. WRI is also conducting a health research, we found that women’s organizations like Posyandu (Integrated Health and Family Planning Center), why don’t political parties approach Posyandu, then?


Siti Amaliyah (National Mandate Party): Well, majlis ta’leem appoints a chair and what is called sami’na wa’atho’na, but the integrated health centers don’t.


Reni Marlinawati (United Development Party/PPP):

PPP’s main obstacle is that the major power is held by men, who often seconds women.


PPP’s basis has always been Islamic boarding schools and religious leaders or ulamas. In Islamic schools, it is easier to get hold of Nyai (the leading ulama’s wife) compared to the Kyai (the leading ulama) because women are usually more faithful and dependable. Maybe this is why majlis ta’leem is a “sexy” market for political parties.


But the commitment for women has been proven. Compared to other parties, only PPP has 30.5% women in their management. Finding 30% women is not only the responsibility of the legislative candidate, but also the effort of the 30% legislative members.


Ryan Megah Mandalawaty (Democrat Party):

There is still a long way to go for our struggle at the party. Women should not only be able to speak up but also contribute to the country. In addition, the winning strategy for women at the elections should also be considered and improved.


Wiwin Burhani (Democrat Party):

My experience shows that the women of the majlis ta’leem are smart, and that they don’t only invite one legislative candidate.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

It can be concluded that female legislative candidates find many obstacles. Ok, let’s go back to our prior objective to fulfil minimum 30% quota for women, which can bring us together as women.

As a solution, we can use the Election Law as a guarantee for women to gain their rights in the parliament. At the end of the first session, Pak Ganjar Pranowo has also committed to update us on the development of the Working Committee.

Now, what can we do together to boost women’s power in the parliament? Maybe there are advices on how women’s togetherness can be used? 


Andi Timo Pangerang (Democrat PartyChair of KPP-RI):

First we are going to make a mailing list. Second, those in attendance are to collect the contact persons of female members in other parties. Third, updating the data by keeping the communication to find out other next activities. For instance, we can use BB Group as a means of communication.


Reni Marlinawati (United Development Party):

Our effort is to increase the number of female cadres because the 30% women at the party’s management does not only refer to the center but also to the province and regency. To increase it, we can increase the number of women in Lajnah. PPP’s election campaign team has the responsibility to choose legislative candidates that are listed, for instance if the chair is a man then the vice-chair shall be a woman.


A form of initiative and advocacy can be carried out by giving a political education by inserting it in the educative agenda according to the culture of the community. For instance, in the area of fishermen, we can give an education on marine and insert political education for women.


The communication between us must be kept to ensure a better communication in future. Frankly I feel more relaxed talking here compared to in the fraction or party considering the abundant pressure from men in those forums. In the fraction we only discuss technical matters, while the substantial matters will be brought to the level of the chair (which is dominated by men).


Mardeti (Representative of Ibu Sumintari, Hanura Party):

Let’s not be women who are restricted by the party so that other women can benefit from our efforts in the future. What about the fate of the non-party women. My experiences as a lecturer show that a majority of my students are women. However this is not in alignment with the number of women involved in politics (especially political party). What if WRI (which is neutral) provides a political education for women, because if political parties are to give it, there may be too much political substance of the party.


Sitaresmi S. Soekanto (Prosperous Justice Party/PKS):

PKS now has 20 teams (including one woman from the Women Department) which are responsible to decide the legislative candidates to be included in the list of candidates. I suggest for a longer period of legislative candidate selection, as it relates to the party’s strategy in determining the legislative candidate and electoral areas.


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

PKS is very unique; when we held a voter education in every province in Indonesia, there were always a female PKS representative – even in Papua. We had hoped that there would be many female legislative candidates in the parliament. However the reality prove it to be unlinear, only a few of PKS women hold seats in the parliament.


Siti Amaliyah (National Mandate Party):

Regardless of everything, women have double responsibility, as a housewife and educator for their children. The 30% quota sometimes is used as the butt of jokes in society because women often takes the initiative to enhance her capacity before entering politics. A majority of them are only filling up the quota without reflecting to learn more. 


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

It is funny how in society women are often questioned in regards to their quality, whereas men are not. And yet the Law only requires a high school degree. Okay, the result of this meeting will be realized together as an effort to enhance the capacity and involvement of women in the parliament.


Reni Marlinawati (United Development Party):

The issue of 30% legislative candidates can be handled, the problem is the issue of funding in getting women to be legislative members. Because a majority of women in DPR are the daughters of officials, celebrities, and women with abundant financial support. This is not an exaggerated matter but a reality that we must face.


Andi Timo Pangerang (Democrat PartyChair of KPP-RI):

Women must have a strategy, when should be placed in an electoral area where the respective political party has a mass basis.


Reni Suwarso (FISIP University of Indonesia):

In response to Ibu Andi Timo, there are four components in the elections system. Electoral area is only one component of the four. On fund raising, etc, that is nothing new. 

In 1999, the law has determined the electoral area. That is wrong. Electoral areas cannot be defined in the front because the number of population should be considered beforehand. There are many ways for women to struggle, for instance through the legal way in the law.

Don’t forget, our aim is not only the representative of women in the parliament, but to increase women’s participation in Indonesian politics. So what if we have achieved the 30% quota of women in the parliament? Does it guarantee that women’s education and reproductive health will be enhanced?


Edriana Noerdin (Women Research Institute):

Ok, thank you everyone for your input. We will decide on a follow-up action. The results will be sent to Ibu Andi to be distributed to everyone present.***